|
MSM ACKNOWLEDGES
THE COMPLETE ASCENDANCY OF THE REPUBLICAN MAJORITY |
|
|
It could just be me, but I’m not sure I’ve read an article
quite like this. I don’t know if Jim VandeHei of the Washington
Post intended it to be an acknowledgment of the ascendancy of the Republican majority but that sure as hell is the way I read
it:
As Democrats tell it,
this week’s compromise on judges was about much more than the federal courts. If President Bush and congressional allies had
prevailed, they say, the balance of power would have been forever altered.
Yet, amid the partisan
rhetoric, a little-noticed fact about modern politics has been lost: Republicans have already changed how the business of
government gets done, in ways both profound and lasting.
[translation: damn, y’all
are slick]
The campaign to prevent
the Senate filibuster of the president’s judicial nominations was simply the latest and most public example of similar transformations
in Congress and the executive branch stretching back a decade. [uh, no – the campaign
re the filibuster was about restoring more than 200 years of Senate practice and protocol]
The common theme is to consolidate influence in a small circle of Republicans and to marginalize dissenting voices that would
try to impede a conservative agenda.
[translation: damn, y’all
are serious about governing and staying on message]
Now, the White House
and Congress are setting their sights on how to make the judiciary more deferential to the conservative cause -- as illustrated
by the filibuster debate and recent threats by House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) and others to more vigorously oversee
the courts.
[translation: y’all say
attendant to their constitutional responsibilities . . . and limitations, we say deferential to the conservative cause]
Some of the changes,
such as a more powerful executive branch, less powerful rank-and-file members of Congress and more pro-Republican courts,
are likely to outlast the current president and GOP majority, they say. The Republican bid to ban the filibustering of judges
made it easier for Bush to appoint conservatives to the Supreme Court and holds open the threat of future attempts to erode
the most powerful tool available to the minority party in Congress.
[translation: we say erode
the most powerful tool available to the minority party in Congress, and y’all say prevent the abuse of the most powerful tool
available to the minority party in Congress]
When Republicans won
control of the House in 1994, conservatives turned an institution run by Democrats and veteran chairmen into a top-down organization
that looked in some ways like the flow chart of a Fortune 500 business. The idea was to put power in the hands of a few leaders
and place conservative loyalists in the most important lower-level jobs to move legislation as quickly as possible through
Congress, according to current and former lawmakers.
[translation: damn, y’all
are really, really serious about governing and staying on message
With control over the
House Rules Committee, which determines which bills make it the floor, how they will be debated and whether they can be amended,
Republicans have made it much harder for Democrats to offer alternatives -- for example, a smaller tax cut than one Republicans
advocate. Democrats also are increasingly shut out of the final negotiations on legislation between the House and the Senate
before bills are sent to Bush for his signature.
[translation: win elections,
you govern; lose elections, you don’t govern; damn, democracy sucks]
Bush created a top-down
system in the White House much like the one his colleagues have in Congress. He has constructed what many scholars said amounts
to a virtual oligarchy with Cheney, Karl Rove, Andrew H. Card Jr., Joshua Bolton, himself and only a few others setting policy,
while he looks to Congress and the agencies mostly to promote and institute his policies.
[translation: we say oligarchy,
y’all say America’s first MBA President putting his skills to use]
President Bill Clinton
oversaw a transition of government away from strong agencies, which historically provided a greater variety of opinions in
policymaking. “On the surface it looks like Bush is doing this better than Clinton,
but there is much more going on,” said Paul C. Light, an expert on the executive branch.
[translation: yeah, we
know Clinton did it – but does Bush have to make Clinton
look like such a pip-squeak?]
Light said Bush has
essentially turned most of the agencies into political arms of the White House. “It’s not just weakening agencies but strengthening
political control of the agencies,” he said.
[translation: Chief. Executive.
What a concept.]
Bush has demanded similar
loyalty from GOP lawmakers -- and received it. Republicans have voted with the president, on average, about nine out of 10
times. Critics and some scholars charge that the Congress now seldom performs its constitutional duty of providing oversight
of the executive branch through tough investigations and hearings.
[translation: aaarrrgghhh,
the Grand Old Party is acting like the Governing Old Party]
Now, the Republicans,
with the support of the White House, are looking to reshape the courts in their image. The Senate’s bipartisan compromise
on judges will cost the president a few of his nominees to the appeals court but will require him to secure only 50 votes
for future picks for the Supreme Court and other openings. If Democrats filibuster, Bush and Republican senators can move
again to pull the trigger on the “nuclear option” and, if successful, prevent the minority party from ever again using the
filibuster on judges. “I will not hesitate to use it if necessary,” Frist said this week.
[translation: damn, did
they just rope-a-dope the Democrats?]
But Washington traditionalists -- veteran Republicans among them -- warn that the new breed
of GOP leaders is trampling time-honored procedures designed to ensure that multiple voices have influence on the most important
matters in government.
[translation: damn, our
sources – what the hell’s gonna happen to them?]
“I would remind my friends
that you may one day be in the minority and you won’t want to be [run] roughshod over,” said former minority leader Robert
H. Michel (R-Ill.), who served in the House for 38 years, 14 as leader.
[translation: like this
source, for instance – what the hell good is he gonna be?]
With all of the hand wringing going on about the Gang of 14,
I’ve taken to saying to folks that it’s beginning to look like a Republican strategy (strategery, anyone?). It’s effectively
blinding some folks to the complete victory that compromise clearly is. VandeHei clearly sees it as such, however. Regarding
the Gang of 14, here’s what I recently argued on Patrick Ruffini’s website:
Governing parties have to deal with multiple “coalitions of
the willing” all the time. The Senate is constitutionally designed to be an institution of compromise. Those two facts came
together here. That’s all -- yet activist bloggers are losing their mind when they should be able to see this for the complete
victory that it is . . . . A governing party has to deal with this all the time and has to be mature enough to deal with this
. . . all the time.
There are some folks failing this present test [determining
whether the Grand Old Party can be the Governing Old Party], it seems to me, but they aren’t those seven so-called centrist
Republicans.
I’m feeling more and more confident of that assessment as each
day passes.